SWAPO had communist support and links

**mindfactory** · 15th April 2008, 03:34 PM

You might forgotten that swapo were helped and supported by the Cubans, Russain (USSR), China, East Block countries, such as East Germany, Hungaria, Bulgaria, during the 1970's and 1980's.

Just to refresh your mind, a little bit of history that we do not deny, neither do we fuel the situation. Honesty is the best policy.

PROTEA also showed the people of Namibia the security forces were serious about countering SWAPO's campaign in Namibia. By so doing, they gave added proof that they were serious in their efforts to provide a security blanket so the people of Namibia would have a comparatively peaceful situation in which to build their future.

SWAPO, as a result of REINDEER, had adopted a strategy of moving its bases closer to FAPLA bases in an effort to discourage attacks by the South Africans. By the time of PROTEA, the SWAPO logistical system had become entwined with that of FAPLA, especially in the area of Angola west of Ongiva. SWAPO's new base strategy of hugging FAPLA's did not stop South African attacks although the South Africans went out of their way not to involve FAPLA in the fight.

Prior to the attacks on Xangongo and Ongiva, the South African Air Force dropped pamphlets stating their quarrel was with SWAPO and SWAPO alone. But at the same time, they warned the inhabitants not to assist SWAPO. The leaflets, however, took away the element of surprise and gave the defenders the warning they were about to be attacked.

Orders were also issued to the security force personnel involved in the operation to avoid contact with the locals and the Angolan forces, as much as possible, but not to the point of endangering their own lives. If protecting their own lives meant fighting with the Angolan forces, then so be it.

A three-pronged mechanized force of Ratels, Buffels and Eland armored cars advanced on Xangongo from Ruacana, Oshakati and Ondangwa. Part of their mission was to isolate the town to prevent possible Cuban and FAPLA reinforcements in Humbe and PeuPeu from coming to the aid of their soon to be beleaguered comrades in Xangongo.

The rest of the force attacked the SWAPO complex in and around the town.

The mixed SWAPO-FAPLA force was in well-prepared defensive systems consisting of trenches, bunkers and even dug-in tanks.

"We had to attack them in their bunkers and in their trenches with their defensive weapons geared for defensive fire," said the chief of the South African Army, Lt. Gen. Jannie Geldenhuys. Several fierce battles were fought out between integrated SWAPO and FAPLA forces, which at the time, rendered the action more like a conventional war rather than normal small-unit counterinsurgency operations.

The presence of trenches and bunkers and satellite bases characteristic of the SWAPO complex at Xangongo and Ongiva indicated SWAPO fighters were trying to apply some lessons learned from their disastrous shellacking during REINDEER.

They had obviously changed their concept of base defense. Done away with were such things as permanent buildings, parade grounds, clear perimeters and visible lines of fortified trenches. Instead, SWAPO bases were located, as much as possible in close proximity to a FAPLA unit, hoping to no avail, to come under the umbrella of their protection.

The physical layout of the bases had also changed. The bases expanded in size-at least in the area they covered. Large undefined patches of the Angolan bush now became the new lair of the SWAPO fighters. These were dug into the ground and were camouflaged to keep their presence hidden from the prying eyes of the South Africans. SWAPO went to great lengths to avoid such tell-tale signs of a military facility's presence as parade grounds, defensive works, perimeter trenches and barbed-wire entanglements.

Concealment was now the by-word in SWAPO base complexes. That, plus the nearby presence of FAPLA units, would render the new bases less vulnerable to South African attacks-at least that was what SWAPO hoped.

SWAPO's efforts, while not successful, did place more demands on the security forces. Intelligence became even more crucial to the success of future cross-border operations. It was imperative that it be precise and up to date and collected in such a manner that it didn't alert the enemy as to his becoming a future target.

The new base setup also affected the tactics of both sides. SWAPO figured the major threat to their base security would come from the South Africans attacking north from Namibia. Thus, they established their defensive strongholds to face that threat from the south.

An attacking force always risks severe losses or defeat when attacking straight into the strength of the enemy's defense. Thus an attack from the rear or a flank would lower both the risks and possible casualties, especially if the attacking forces achieved surprise. But in order successfully to carry out such maneuvers, the attacking force had to be aware of the nature and extent of the defenders positions and forces-hence the requirement for accurate, up to date intelligence.

Fortunately for the South Africans, not only was their intelligence superb, but their superior discipline, tactical and operational abilities enabled them to carry the day successfully against the heavily defended SWAPO targets.

Surprise was achieved at the Xangongo complex as neither the Soviets nor SWAPO ever dreamed the South Africans would attack such a heavily defended area. (In addition to the normal FAPLA elements in Xangongo, the security forces estimated that there were 23,000 FAPLA and 7,500 Cuban soldiers at Lubango capable of moving south and come to the aid of the defenders at Xangongo.)

Attacking from the flanks and rear while feinting a frontal assault, the South Africans quickly rolled up the SWAPO/FAPLA defenders at Xangongo.

Ongiva was spared the surprise element due to the attack on the SWAPO complex at Xangongo. Nevertheless, even though SWAPO knew they might be attacked, they figured their defenses could stop them. However, the South Africans swept in from the rear and only the size of the complex made its capture take longer than Xangongo.

The South African assault on Xangongo was successful and the surviving communist forces beat a hasty retreat into the thick bush just outside the town.

Fleeing in haste with the SWAPO and FAPLA survivors were a group of thirty Soviet advisors-along with seven women and a number of children.

In their scramble to avoid the South Africans, the Russians left behind their personal possessions and a huge quantity of documents, which incontrovertibly confirmed the growing Soviet involvement with SWAPO's war in southern Africa.

At the Soviet headquarters in Xangongo, the assault forces found charts and maps still on the wall which detailed command structures and strategy for SWAPO, all written in Russian.

The married Soviet advisors lived in a huge house next to the headquarters, with their wives and children. They obviously never expected the South Africans to attack otherwise their families would have been left behind in Luanda or the Soviet Union.

They seemed to live a squalid existence. The residence was full of empty wine and vodka bottles which were scattered throughout the house. The kitchen table was covered with unwashed dishes, utensils and moldy, stale food. Apparently, hygiene was not a priority item with the Soviets in Angola.

The Soviets were clearly involved in the affairs of both SWAPO and the Angolan army The documents captured at Xangongo showed Soviet involvement down to the brigade and battalion level in FAPLA. Their duties were not restricted to providing military training. The Soviets were also responsible for the administrative and political life of the brigades or battalions to which they were attached.

The Soviets at Xangongo were attached to the FAPLA 19th Brigade and had been since April 1978 when the first parry of Soviet military advisors, fourteen commissioned and non-commissioned officers, arrived in Xangongo.

After securing their first objective, with Xangongo cleared of SWAPO and FAPLA forces, the main body of the South African force moved southeast towards their second target Ongiva.

Brushing aside feeble FAPLA attempts to stop the South African advance at Mongua, they reached Ongiva on August 26,1981 and attacked the SWAPO/FAPLA force dug in around the town. After two days of fighting, Ongiva fell to the South Africans.

Soviet military advisors were also at Ongiva, but were not as lucky as their compatriots at Xangongo who had fled out of harm's way Several Soviet officers were killed and a warrant officer was captured. Warrant Officer Second Class Nikolai Feodorovich Pestretsov was one of the military advisors attached to FAPLA's 11th Brigade at Ongiva when he was captured.

Pestretsov was a mechanic whose job was to train his FAPLA counterparts in the proper maintenance of their Soviet-supplied vehicles.

In late 1979, he was working at a motor plant in Kaliningrad in the Soviet Union when he and four other plant workers were offered the opportunity to come to Angola. Pestretsov was the only one to accept the offer.

He and fifteen other Soviet personnel who had been chosen from all over the Soviet Union were given a briefing on their new duties in Angola by the Main Cadre Directorate in Moscow. He and his comrades then left for Angola in December 1979.

After his arrival in Luanda his passport and other documents were taken away. He was issued two certificates; one identifying him as a Soviet citizen and an advisor on vehicle repair; and the other serving as a drivers license.

His career in Angola was varied. He stayed in Luanda for three months and worked on maintaining Angolan government civilian vehicles. He was then transferred to Lubango and was attached to the base repair battalion, where he functioned as an advisor, supervising FAPLA technical personnel.

After a month he was sent to Xangongo where he stayed six months, attached to the repair company of FAPLA's 19th Brigade.

He then went on a two-month vacation back to the Soviet Union and when he returned he brought his wife with him.

Pestretsov was transferred to Ongiva in December 1980 where he remained until his capture. He was attached to the repair company of FAPLA's 11th Brigade, supervising and training FAPLA technical personnel and was in charge of maintenance of the brigade's wheeled vehicles.

Text to long .... follow up ....

**mindfactory** · 15th April 2008, 04:16 PM

Text follows

D

If any proof were needed of direct Soviet involvement with SWAPO, it was obtained during PROTEA.

The South African Defense Minister, Magnus Malan, commenting on the Soviet presence during PROTEA, said it was without doubt proof that Russia not only supplies SWAPO with armament, but shows them how to use them.

"Apart from these incidents, an enormous amount of Russian propaganda material was found in the immediate vicinity of SWAPO HQ. This is a clear indication of Russia's plans for South Africa," said Malan in a press conference after PROTEA.1

Propaganda material wasn't the only stuff found in the SWAPO bases. The South Africans seized about 4,000 tons of military hardware, valued at over $200 million. This included, in addition to enormous quantities of small arms and ammunition, such major military items as tanks and armored vehicles, anti-aircraft guns and numerous trucks and other logistical vehicles.

The presence of tanks and armored personnel carriers in the insurgent's arsenal proved conclusively that SWAPO intended to progress soon from the guerrilla to the mobile warfare stage in its war of national liberation in Namibia. Tanks and armored personnel carriers are useless weapons for guerrillas fighting a guerrilla war in the African bush. South African concern over SWAPO's increasing capability to escalate its revolutionary war to the mobile warfare stage, which was the reason behind cross-border operations turned out to be fully justified. SWAPO's military hardware seized just north a of the Namibian border provided irrefutable proof of SWAPO's military plans and the correctness of the South African estimate and response.

As to be expected, South Africa was roundly condemned in the usual quarters-the international press, the UN, the OAU, and other diplomatic circles in Europe and the Third World, for its action in southern Angola during Operation PROTEA. Although, for once, an American Secretary of State showed some common sense concerning the situation. Secretary of State Alexander Haig pointed out that the South African operations should be seen against the background of repeated attacks by Soviet-backed fighters. Unfortunately, this slight breath of realism in American diplomacy toward events in southern Africa soon blew over, replaced by the usual anti-South African cliches that seem to characterize the State Department's everyday attitude on southern Africa.

Operation PROTEA was yet another stinging defeat to the Soviet clients in southern Africa. At least 1,000 members of SWAPO and FAPLA were killed during the operation and almost a quarter of a billion dollars worth of Soviet-supplied war materiel were seized or destroyed by the South Africans.

Thirty-eight prisoners were captured, including ten SWAPO combatants. One captured SWAPO combatant admitted getting part of his military training in the Soviet Union. He also confirmed that SWAPO was also getting military training in Angola from Soviet military trainers.

Many people in southern Angola took advantage of the confusion caused by the South African attacks in southern Angola, to flee across the border to Namibia and freedom from Marxist Angola's reign. The refugee's stories of horror and depredation under the dismal rule of MarxismLeninism in Angola, hopefully, will help inoculate Namibians who heard about the gruesome course of that fatal political disease. Here was living proof that, if given the chance, people will consistently vote with their feet and flee the type of system chat SWAPO wishes to impose on Namibia. The arrival of refugees from Angola was a psychological debacle for SWAPO's revolutionary cause.

SWAPO's timetable was severely set back by Operation PROTEA. The resounding defeats had driven the organization even further north away from its operational area in Namibia and with a heavy loss of life to its trained personnel. In contrast to the heavy losses suffered by SWAPO, the South Africans lost only ten men.

SWAPO's losses were not restricted to manpower alone, as they suffered a tremendous loss of material either destroyed or captured by the South Africans.

Several major SWAPO bases had also been destroyed. And, as Lt. Gen. Geldenhuys said, "Their command structure, for the time being, has been disrupted and their logistic system is damaged, and at the moment, ineffective."2 The general felt that it would take at least a year for SWAPO to recover from the crippling effects inflicted upon it by PROTEA. The operation had caused SWAPO combatants to be scattered in confusion all over southern Angola. Their cross-border infiltration capability into Angola had been severely hampered and their morale had plummeted to a new low.

The end of PROTEA didn't end the South African activity against SWAPO in southern Angola. While the combatants were still reeling from their beating during PROTEA, the South Africans struck again.

A SWAPO regional headquarters, in southeastern Angola at Chitequeta, was trying to regroup the scattered and demoralized combatants. Located some 240 kilometers north of the Angolan border, Chitequeta was to be the main objective of the new South African cross-border operation, code named DAISY This operation would put the finishing touches on the work of PROTEA.

On November 1, 1981, a South African mechanized force of Ratels and Buffels, attacked the SWAPO base complex killing seventy-one SWAPO combatants. The immense size of the SWAPO complex, some thirty-five square kilometers, allowed the bulk of the 1,200 combatants reported to be assembled there, to escape into the bush. Otherwise the casualties would have been far greater. Nevertheless, the South Africans had destroyed another SWAPO command and logistic base and captured a huge quantity of arms and ammunition. The SWAPO logistical system had suffered another big loss within three months of PROTEA. SWAPO combatants were further demoralized, as they scattered into the bush and fled further north into Angola.

The South African forces attack on Chitequeta represented their deepest penetration into Angola since the civil war some six years before.

Operation PROTEA, and its appendage DAISY, were not isolated incidents in the South African counterinsurgency campaign. They were part and parcel of the strategic decision to carry the war to SWAPO, be it in Namibia or southern Angola.

Do not get me wrong, I am nor sorry that this all happened, because sorry will not heal the wounds or remove the scars, or bring back families, friends and soldiers, lost in the war. I personally lost many family members, friends and soldiers. If the only way of understanding is the language of bullets through the barrels of a weapons, then you have learn nothing.

You like to picture the swapo combatants as saints, but have you forgotten the following acts.: The religious saying acknowledged that, "A prophet does not get a recognition within his/her own community".

While all the Swapo MPs, who knew about this whole "saga" did not have the guts to protest and reject, Swapo MP, Jeremia Nambinga has blundered and blatantly protested that "… it was not Swapo …nobody was charged on the bombing of Oshakati Bank".

Moongo further argued that he was in Oshakati that time.

Where was Nambinga? The case study I am presenting below can be obtained from the Ondangwa Magistrate's Court for more clarity and information: The State vs.

Leonard Sheehama (1988-1989): The bombing of Barclays Bank at Oshakati took place on 19 February 1988 at 12:57, has killed 27 people, 50 injured and destroyed the bank's building.

Mr. Peter Kalangula, the then Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Owambo Administration, called for a Judicial Commission of Enquiry.

According to the police reports during his interrogation after his arrest around Onaheka District on 9 July 1988, Sheehama admitted the following acts of sabotage: The Atlantic Meat Market, Walvis Bay, Aug 1986 Post Office, Walvis Bay, Dec 1986 Municipal Office, Kuisebmond, Dec 1986 Okambebe School in the Omungwelume area, Dec 1987 Barclays Bank, Oshakati, Feb 1988 The setting of unknown landmine in Engwena area, March 1988.

Sheehama was brought before Mr Christie Liebenberg, a regional Magistrate at Oshakati, in August 1988 to plead to the 31 charges in accordance with section 119 of the Criminal Procedure and Evidence (Act 51 of 1977) which was conducted at Ondangwa Magistrate's Court on 16 August 1988.

After the bank bombing, Sheehama first returned to a Swapo base at Ononge in Angola for further instructions, equipment and supplies for further bombing missions, Sheehama told the Court.

The accused did not deny that he was a trained "terrorist" and he told the Court that Swapo gave high priority to the "Bank Bomb". The court admitted the confessions and convicted Sheehama on all the charges.

He was sentenced to the death sentence on each of the five charges of murder, seven years imprisonment on each of the two charges of sabotage.

Sheehama was transferred and kept in the death cell in Pretoria awaiting the result of his appeal to the Courts of Appeal: Appellate Division.

After Namibia's Independence, Sheehama was released.

On arrival at the airport he was welcomed by Minister Toivo ya Toivo, a Cabinet Minister of Swapo Government who declared Sheehama a "Namibian Hero".

Sheehama died in Namibia a few years after his return.

His explicit confession in open court was never withdrawn or repudiated in a court of law and still stands.

That means Swapo has to answer for this shocking atrocity.

(Letter by: N Nakandunga Namibia Note: This letter has been shortened)

swatf-koevoet.association · 15th April 2008, 06:28 PM

Thanks for the support and great job.

1975 was a particularly bad year for the western world: Saigon and Phnom Penh fell into communist hands while, after a sudden about-face in western Africa, the Soviets turned away from their Somali allies to back instead the new Ethiopian rulers who had declared themselves loyal to Moscow. Soon, the communist dictators of several other African countries, Tanzania, the People’s Republic of Congo, Madagascar and Guinea, gave the Russians the support bases they needed to take over the dark continent.
Meanwhile, across the Atlantic and still reeling from the Vietnam trauma, the Americans led by President Jimmy Carter stood by powerlessly, reluctant to be drawn yet again into a foreign military venture despite the seemingly inexorable communist expansion across the third world. Concurrently, a pacifist movement animated by disenchanted soldiers shook the NATO armies guarding the western border from the 50,000 Warsaw Pact tanks facing them across the Iron Curtain. Apparently unconcerned, Europe looked the other way, ignoring Lenin's prediction 'We’ll sneak in through the African back door.'

WAR FLARES UP AGAIN IN ANGOLA

South Western Africa was further destabilised in 1975 when, political unrest at home forced the Portuguese to abandon their African possessions. The communists were quick oft the mark, soon turning Guinea and Mozambique, two other former Portuguese colonies, into 'people's republics'.
But in Angola the situation was more complex: there, the Portuguese had to contend with three separatist movements: FNLA, UNITA and MPLA. Led by Roberto Holden, FNLA (Frente Nacional de Libertagao de Angola - National Front for the Liberation of Angola) drew its supporters from the Bakongo tribes and its influence reached as far as Zaire. The members of UNITA (Uniao Nacional para lndependencia Total de Angola - National Union for the Total Independence of Angola) were mostly recruited from among the Ovimbundus, the largest ethnic group in Angola. The MPLA movement, on the other hand, was very much a party of radical intellectuals with its main strength divided between the urbanised Angolans living along the coastal zones and half-castes. In the late 1960s, the MPLA was dealt a severe blow when Portuguese secret police made several waves of arrests, resulting in its subsequent leader, Doctor Agostino Neto, a staunch Marxist, being arrested. Predictably, Moscow granted unlimited support the latter faction.
In late 1974, sizeable quantities of arms and ammunition were shipped from the East to the MPLA, shortly followed by 250 Cuban technicians and advisors who arrived in May 1975, just as the country was in the throes of independence. Before withdrawing, the Portuguese tried to persuade the factions to form a coalition government, but their advice went unheeded as none of the parties was willing to make any effort to implement the solution they proposed.
Increasingly concerned about the situation on their northern border, Pretoria deployed troops in South-West Africa 1 and later, posted elements from the 2nd South African Infantry to the large dam at Ruacana in Angola.
.... continue ...

**Oneword** · 15th April 2008, 06:37 PM

Sorry, you poor yesterday's heroes.

I made a promise to juikk never to comment adversely on such utter nonsensical drivel again.

I am keeping my promise.

No comment!

**Admin** · 15th April 2008, 06:41 PM

While Shebeen respects mindfactory's and the koevoet-swatf association's right to present its "version" of history and views in our community, I would urge them to desist from using inflammatory language and labelling people and organisations in an unecessarily confrontational way. I also do not necessarily agree with them but respect your right to express them. The pictures were removed because of their grpahic nature.

However, be reminded that when you joined this community, you agreed to the rules, so stick to them. This applies to all Shebeeners. If you need to be reminded of them, click here.

If the intention of your contributions is to be provocative for the sake of being provocative and showing Shebeeners that you don't agree with their opinions then I will not take the bait and censor the material. If your intention is to contribute to a serious discussion, then feel free to do so. We are all grown-up people, so let us behave like grown-ups.

Whether SWAPO was a terrorist organisation or a liberation movement fighting for the freedom of Namibians depends on which side of the fence you sit. Similarly, whether South Africa was a racist regime that was denying Namibia freedom and democracy or a bulkwark against communism is also a matter of interpretation.

What is pretty clear is the brutal atrocities were committed by ALL sides in this protracted conflict, in which individuals on both sides paid the utlimate price for what they believed in.

As Namibians we need to leave that part of our nation's history behind us and move forward TOGETHER. Not doing so would dishonour ALL the individuals who lost their lives in this painful period of our nation's history, and it would render all the suffering experienced by so many people in our region completely meaningless.

That certainly does not mean that we need to subscribe to one collective view of history. It also does not mean we should never raise controverisal topics and stand up for what we believe in, however painful it may be.

But there are simply too many challenges and problems that we face as a community NOW, and wasting energy about which version of the past is right or wrong, good or bad is not productive. Let us put that part of our history to rest and move forward mindful of our differences. We not only owe it to ourselves, but the fallen and the future generations. That is a big responsibility, so let us rise to it.

swatf-koevoet.association · 15th April 2008, 06:50 PM

A 16-YEAR WAR BEGINS
A closer look at Soviet strategy of the 1970s helps to understand why the situation in Angola took a turn for the worse before it degenerated into an all-out civil war. In 1975, the west relied heavily on the Middle East for its oil requirements, but as the Suez Canal had been closed to traffic since the Six-Day War (or had become too narrow for modern tankers), traffic had to skirt the Cape of Good Hope, the air and waters around which were practical controlled by the Soviets and their allies From their African bases, Soviet bombers TU-95 Bears and TU-l 6 Badgers - presented a serious threat to the sea routes.
Without question, the Soviets would have derived invaluable strategic and economic advantages from a take-over of South Africa as, further to getting hold of Pretoria's fantastic gold reserves, they could also lay their hands on the mineral wealth of southern Africa as a whole. As a western political observer put it when commenting on Soviet expansion in Africa: 'From Cape Town, the Soviets will, in the long run, gradually control the policy of Europe and preside over its destiny like they're doing in Finland.'
But in 1975, the city of Luanda, Angola's capital was a major obstacle which stood in the way of the Soviets to Cape Town. In a first move, FAPLA (Front Arme Patriotique pour la Liberation de I'Angola - Patriotic Front for the Liberation of Angola) the military branch of the MPLA, secured the harbour so the first Cuban freighter to berth there, the Vietnam Heroica, could deliver the initial batch of advisors, the 'barbudos' (bearded ones) who were to play an increasingly significant role in Angolan military affairs.
Soon, thousands upon thousands of tons of Soviet equipment were airlifted into Angola by aircraft flying regular shuttles between Conakry in Guinea and Brazzaville in Congo. Although supported by mercenaries in the field, the pro-western FNLA collapsed. Lightly equipped, Roberto Holden's men were no match for the communists who were lavishly equipped with artillery, particularly 122mm D-30 and M-46 130mm pieces.
Egged on by Henry Kissinger who urged them to assist Roberto Holden and Jonas Savimbi (UNITA’s leader), the South Africans found themselves, albeit reluctantly, embroiled in the Angolan quagmire. On 24 September 1975, two South African liaison officers, Major Van der Wals and Major Hoitzhausen, were sent by their government to help UNITA. The two officers brought with them a complement of four Land Rovers fitted with French Entac anti-tank missiles which were later used to check three MPLA armoured columns between Lobito and Nova Lisboa on 2 October 1975. In this engagement, MPLA casualties amounted to 100 men killed and one BRDM-2 APC destroyed for the loss only one Land Rover.

OFFENSIVES AND COUNTER OFFENSIVES
South African reinforcements quickly poured in: a squadron of Elands was airlifted by a C-1 30 into Angola, even though the initial aims of this first operation, codenamed 'Savannah', were restricted to recapturing Lobita Harbour and to reopen the vital Benguela railway line, used to bring in copper ore from Zaire. These two objectives were achieved but, in the north, FNLA forces were crushed. By this time, 12,000 Cubans were deployed in Angola against 2,900 South Africans.
Diplomatically, MPLA rulers scored a major success when, spurred on by Nigeria, the Marxist regime of Angola was endorsed by the OAU (Organisation of African Unity). This decision prompted the South Africans to grudgingly pull out their forces just as three task forces (Fox-Bat, X-Ray and Zulu) were within reach of Luanda. Operation 'Savannah' was over. It had cost the South Africans 29 soldiers killed in action plus a further 20 who lost their lives in accidents. Although beaten in the field, MPLA had won a major diplomatic success and soon, Angola became the 27th member of the OAU as UNITA forces withdrew to the south-east of the country. However, South Africa provided active support to Savimbi's fighters as Luanda's regime assisted and provided bases to SWAPO (South West Africa's People Organisation), a guerrilla movement it had created to wage unconventional warfare in South West Africa. Consequently, a covert war, not unlike the Rhodesian conflict, flared up in South West Africa, with ambushes, raids, and horse patrols being the order of the day for years to come.

CONVENTIONAL WAR IN AFRICA
UNITA had been dealt a number of crippling blows but somehow, gradually recovered and was soon able to raid MPLA rear bases and foster a climate of insecurity within the MLPA controlled zones. In 1977 and 1978, SWAPO intensified its attacks in South West Africa. In retaliation, South African paras led by Colonel Breytenbach launched a massive airborne raid against Cassinga, one of SWAPO's major bases (Operation 'Reindeer), while the famous 32nd 'Buffalo' Battalion attacked several camps at Chetequera. In these two episodes, the South Africans killed more than 1,000 SWAPO fighters, losing 19 of their number in the process.
Three months later, the South African positions at Katima Mulilo's in the Caprivi strip, were shelled by SWAPO fighters and Zambian soldiers firing from over the Zambian border. The guerrillas loosed off 30 122mm rockets and numerous mortar shells which killed 10 South African soldiers. By way of reprisals for this attack, South African aviation launched several air strikes at Zambia while an armoured task force thrust deeply inland, killing dozens of SWAPO guerrillas in the process and destroying huge quantities of equipment.
In early 1979, 250 guerrillas attacked the Nkongo base, killing seven South African soldiers. This caused the peace talks initiated under UN auspices to break down irredeemably. As Pik Botha, South Africa's foreign minister said: 'Not one soldier will be withdrawn from the border as long as SWAPO will maintain its murderous policy and refuse to agree to a ceasefire. In March, two smaller operations, 'Rekstock' and 'Safraan', were conducted across the border as the South African Air Force struck deeper and deeper into Angolan territory.
In 1979, 800 guerrillas were killed but SWAPO has massacred 158 civilians and abducted 450 children back to its Angolan bases where they would be trained in guerrilla warfare. In early 1980, guerrilla and counter guerrilla operations intensified with the South African security forces losing 22 men killed in these sweeps. The most serious clash took place in May 1980 when a South African patrol was ambushed by well trained guerrillas and lost five soldiers killed in the initial exchange of fire. However, the South Africans recovered quickly and counter-attacked, accounting for 81 'terros'.

A MAJOR SWEEP
On 25 May, the South Africans launched 22 Operation 'Sceptic'. Subdivided into three combat groups, including mechanised units, the 32nd Battalion and airborne forces, the task force struck at the city of Chifufua, some 260km into Angolan territory. In this conventional attack at SWAPO sanctuaries, the South Africans destroyed several tons of supplies and armament. Weakened after this severe blow, SWAPO indulged in desultory guerrilla operations until the end of the year. In these actions, the South Africans killed 1, 147 guerrillas, losing about 100 men themselves. But the
Operation 'Protea' in 1981, a major thrust deep into Angolan territory to destroy the guerrillas' support bases. After beating the Angolans in a four-day battle, the task force pushed on, with a large number of T-34s being lost to the 90mm guns of its Eland light tanks. Supported by UNITA, the South Africans destroyed more than 2,000 tons of ammunition at Xagongo and Ongiva. A second operation, codenamed 'Daisy', consolidated the success achieved by 'Protea'. During these engagements, a Cuban-flown MiG-21 was shot down by South African Mirages. At the end of 1981, SWAPO casualties amounted to an estimated 3,000 men killed while security forces losses stood at 56.

THE LATEST IN MILITARY HARDWARE
In early 1982, SWAPO guerrillas tried to infiltrate South West Africa through the forbidding Kaokaland desert, but were checked by Operation 'Super'. In this action, some 45 soldiers from the 32nd Heliborne Battalion, supported by two Alouette III gunships, accounted for 201 rebels in a memorable eight-hour battle. In April, Group 'Volcano', a combatant unit trained in Eastern Europe, tried to infiltrate South West Africa through the Tsumeb mining region. They failed however, losing 76 of their number in the attempt. Meanwhile, para units, recce commandos and 32nd Battalion elite soldiers were deployed to support UNITA. Meanwhile, secret negotiations were underway between the South Africans and the opposing factions: Pretoria was willing to pull out its forces from South West Africa in return for a Cuban withdrawal from Angola. Unfortunately, this proposal was rejected out of hand by Luanda's rulers and, by the end of the year, the communist forces were substantially reinforced as the radar screen protecting Angola was boosted by the addition of SAM-3 and -6 air defence ' missiles. But by late 1983, SWAPO was on the brink of collapsing: its manpower reserves in Angola amounted to only 800 fighters as the severe losses suffered in previous battles, 1,286 men, could not be replaced. The situation had become so critical that 14 newly trained companies sneaked into South West Africa to bolster the deployment. But they too, were crushed in a matter of week in a sweep codenamed 'Phoenix'. In August, UNITA (probably benefiting from South African Air Force support) raided the city of Cangamba in the heartland of Angola. By then Jonas Savimbi's forces controlled more than one quarter of the country, a situation which prompted the Soviets to increase their arms deliveries to their allies. Soon, 10 freighters carrying the latest in military hardware, such as T-62 MBTS, MI-24 helicopters and SAM-8 and -9 air defence missiles, were on their way to Angola.
Aware that the Eastern Bloc's most sophisticated weapons would soon be at the Angolans' disposal and that a 5,000-man reinforcement was to be flown in from Cuba, the South Africans launched Operation 'Askari', a major sweep involving four mechanised combat groups of 500 men each. After clashing with the FAPLA units covering the withdrawal of SWAPO, the task force engaged the 11th FAPLA Brigade which was reinforced by two Cuban battalions on 3 January 1984. In this battle, the South Africans destroyed 11 T-55s but lost one Ratel. Communist losses amounted to 324 men killed while the South Africans suffered five casualties. But the violence of the Cuban-Angolan reaction boded ill for future battles.
Soon afterwards, negotiations resumed at Lusaka as SWAPO maintained its pressure in South West Africa, even though its ranks had been thinned by South African retaliatory strikes. In 1984, 584 guerrillas were killed (this figure includes the losses sustained during Operation 'Askari’) by the South Africans who lost 39 men themselves.
At the onset of the 1985186 rainy season, 700 SWAPO guerrillas supported by the 'Typhoon' group, a unit specialising in deep penetration, infiltrated Ovamboland where they soon clashed with security forces. But the bad weather also proved to be an asset for UNITA fighters who dealt a few hard blows to the Angolans, particularly in the north of the country, where they shot down several aircraft with Stinger missiles (probably supplied by the Americans). In September 1985, and for the first time, South African units were rushed into the fray when UNITA was threatened by a large force of Cubans and Angolans.

CUBANS VERSUS SOUTH AFRICANS
Confident in the superiority of their air force and artillery, South African commanders were satisfied that they did not have to provide any infantry to support Savimbi's soldiers who, left to their own devices, managed to repel the enemy near Mavinga. From then on and over the next three years, the same scenario repeated itself during the monsoon season, so that in the engagements fought in the first four months, SWAPO lost 283 fighters killed in South West Africa. Stringent measures were called for and so, the Russian General Konstantin Shagnovich decided to take over command of all Angolan and allied forces. By that time, more than 1,000 Soviets served in headquarters as 2,000 East Germans took care of signals and communications. In the field, 15,000 Cuban soldiers supported 20,000 FAPLA soldiers, themselves reinforced by 4,000 SWAPO guerrillas and 900 ANC fighters. On 27 May 1986, Shagnovich launched and directed personally the sweep against UNITA. Organised into three armoured columns, the Angolan force converged towards Mavinga from their Luena and Cuito Cuanavale departure bases. Slowly but inexorably, the UNITA soldiers were forced back but recovered near the city of Cangombe. From there, they struck back on 9 August and pushed on towards Cuito Cuanavale, backed up by the South Africans who supported the assault with their artillery protected by the 32nd Infantry Battalion. But UNITA had bitten off more than it could chew, and failed to capture the city even though South African G-5 and G-6 guns scored some successes by destroying the air base, its radars and a few MiG aircraft.
By the end of 1986, both sides had reached a status quo: UNITA had lost ground but had regained some strength thanks to the South African intervention. Losses then stood at 645 SWAPO elements and 33 security forces soldiers killed.
In 1987, the South Africans were again involved in numerous anti-guerrilla sweeps across South West Africa. On 26 February, SWAPO losses amounted to 272 men killed as General Shagnovich was issuing his last directives for the winter offensive (dry season). The major blow was to be directed at Mavinga, the stepping stone from which the Angolans planned to seize the city of Jamba, UNITA’s capital. In a further move, the Angolans would reopen the Benguela railway line to help restore the country's economy. In July, the Russians activated an airlift to deliver the sophisticated equipment needed for the oftensive.
In early August, the communists attacked with five brigades, driving back UNITA forces from their positions until the South Africans launched Operation 'Modular' to support their allies: one 127mm rocket launcher and one 120mm mortar battery supported by an infantry detail were consolidated within each UNITA column. Even though this artillery inflicted considerable losses on the Angolans, it proved insufficient to check the 47th FAPLA Brigade which paved the way for the 59th and 21st FAPLA Brigades as they swept along the river Lomba. Armour reinforcements arrived on 1 0 September and, in the major engagement which ensued, the South Africans wiped out a FAPLA battalion and destroyed three T-55s.

UNEVEN ODDS
Two days later, the South African 101st Mechanised Battalion checked and then repelled a FAPLA thrust, destroying another three tanks with its Ratels. On 16 September, the South Africans took on the 47th Brigade and destroyed six of its tanks. By then, Angolan losses amounted to more than 800 men. On 3 October, the remnants of the 47th Brigade, caught in open ground by the 61st Mechanised Brigade's G-5s and G-6s, lost or were forced to abandon 18 tanks, five APCs and several armoured vehicles (SA-8 and SA-9). In another engagement fought near the source of the river Chambinga, FAPLA 16th and 21st Brigades reinforced by elements from the 59th clashed with 4th SAI Ratels and Olifant MBTs as they were deploying towards Mavinga. This was the Olif ant's baptism of fire in Angola. On 9 November, the Angolan forces were forced out of Cuito Navale, leaving behind 525 men and 33 tanks. 'Modular' was a total victory for Pretoria's forces.
Smarting over his defeat, Fidel Castro deployed reinforcements to Angola, spearheaded by 50th Division elements and T-60 MBTS. Meanwhile, concerned about the losses among their conscript army, the South Africans pulled out most of their units, leaving G-5 and G-6 pieces to mercilessly pound the Cubans. Flushed with success, Savimbi intensified his action in central Angola. In 1987, 3,000 FAPLA soldiers and 757 SWAPO combatants were killed. South African losses amounted to 27 soldiers while UNITks probably ran into the thousands.

swatf-koevoet.association · 15th April 2008, 06:59 PM

ARTILLERY VERSUS AVIATION

Throughout January, fighting went on unabated when UNITA and SADF forces attacked fortified positions defended by the 21st Brigade at Cuatir. Soon, both sides dug in, resorting to static warfare tactics. The raids launched by Cuban MiG-23s were followed by South African artillery barrages. But in spite of the support they were getting, UNITA infantry was rolled back more than 12km by FAPLA 21st Brigade which had been recreated in the meantime. On 14 February, a combat group led by Major Mike Muller and comprising elements from the 61st Mechanised Brigade took on the FAPLA 59th Brigade at Tumpo, some 20km to the east of Cuito-Cuanavale, while the 32nd Battalion attacked Menongue. The Angolans pulled out in good order, even launching a counter attack which failed disastrously with the loss of 230 men and a sizeable quantity of equipment (including SAMs and BM-21 s). This engagement cost the South Africans four men, one Ratel and two damaged Olifants. Again, Task Force Muller attacked Tumpo but was checked by a combination of minefields, Angolan artillery barrages and numerous air strikes by Luanda's ground attack aircraft. In this final assault, which marked the end of Operation 'Hooper', South Africa's final sweep in Angola, the task force lost three men killed while two Ratels and two Olifants were damaged.
South African total casualties in Operations 'Modular' and 'Hooper' amounted to 43 men killed, two Mirage F-1s, one Bosbok light aircraft, three Olifants and four Ratels. But the Cuban toll was heavier: 4,768 men killed, 94 tanks, eight MiG-23s, four MiG-21s and dozens of APCS.
The third battle of Tumpo started on 23 March. Its aim was to clean up the eastern bank of the River Cuito, but this time the objective was well defended. Soon, three Olifants were disabled by mines. Their crews were saved but the MBTs were captured by the Angolans before they could be destroyed. In late May, more than 40,000 Cubans were deployed in Angola, particularly in the south of the country, with 105 MBTs (including T-72s) and one air defence regiment equipped with state of the art SAM anti-aircraft missiles. Soon, three battalions codenamed 'Zebra', 'Tiger' and 'Lion' were deployed some 60km back from the border. Well provided with armour and artillery, each unit numbered 200 Cubans and 200 SWAPO fighters.
Air activity also increased with MiG 21s and -23s roaming freely the South African air space, aware that Pretoria's defence forces lacked the radar and air defence missiles needed to check their high altitude incursions.

LOST CUBAN ONSLAUGHT

This massive build-up clearly indicated that a major assault was in the offing. In an incident, a Cuban foot patrol clashed with SADF soldiers only 12km from the Ruacana dam as in South African 1,000 Citizen Force reservists were hastily called up. On 20 July 1988, a major battle took place between South African forces and three Cuban columns advancing towards the Calueque and Ruacana dams under the protection of SAM-6 air defence missiles. Major Mike Muller's task force was ordered to check them and soon, a storm of fire and steel from G-5 pieces pounded one of the columns. The Cubans lost several vehicles but resolutely pushed on, threatening to outflank Major Muller's men and eventually forcing them to pull out. Major Muller reorganised his forces, deploying his armour in front of the central column. Meanwhile, South African artillery took on the western column and destroyed eight of its vehicles before forcing it to pull out. The South African task force then fell back in good order towards Calueque but came under attack from eight MiG-23s.
By a fluke, one of the aircraft was shot down by an obsolete 20mm gun but 12 soldiers were killed by a bomb. The battle was over. According to African sources, Cuban losses amounted to 300 men.
Magnified out of all proportion by Havana propaganda, this mitigated success enabled Fidel Castro to pull out his forces from Angola without losing face. After tense negotiations in New York, the UN endorsed Resolution 435 which stipulated that Cuban forces were to be deployed above the 13th Parallel on 1 August 1989 while the South African contingent in South West Africa was restricted to 1,500 men.

FINAL FLING

On the eve of the cease-fire, SWAPO launched a last ditch raid. At night, some 300 guerrillas sneaked into South West Africa in blatant disregard of UN directives and soldiers. As the South African soldiers were confined to barracks, the SWAPOs took on and achieved several objectives. A climate of insecurity prevailed until the rebels were flushed out by the 101st SWADF Battalion which had to be reactivated for the occasion. No fewer than 289 rebels had been killed when the sweep ended on 29 April.
However, none of this prevented SWAPO from winning the political victory and from being voted into office as the South African soldiers returned home to a new challenge: the advent of their own democracy.
The red flag will never fly over Cape Town but the price was high: 715 South African soldiers 3 fell in the bush and deserts of South West Africa. (About 1 1,000 Angolans were killed.)

I trust this will explain it much better.

We do not intend to re-write history, just illustrated what has happened. It was a war after all.
Johan van Wyk